The Tiger and the Crocodile in Indonesia
By Jet Bakels
This research was originally inspired by the notion that the conceptualization of man-
threatening animals in Indonesia differs radically from that prevalent in present-day
Western society. Knowing how deeply the meaning of these animals is rooted in the
worldview of the rural population, it was my hope that by focusing on these animals the
project would touch upon basic notions about wild animals, the conceptualization of their
ecological niche, and the local worldview, especially as this relates to the natural
environment.
Whereas we have diabolized our most dangerous animal, the wolf, we find that in the
worldview of the rural population in Indonesia the tiger and the crocodile are connected
primarily with positive religious forces, as the deified ancestors. They can also be the
allies of the spirits of nature: those of the forest and earth, the sea or the river. Drawing
strength from this association the tiger and the crocodile are enveloped in religious awe
and treated with respect. Their potentially aggressive actions are interpreted within the
parametres of this framework: should a human being be attacked by a tiger, there must be
a reason. Generally it is presumed that the victim himself has trespassed against the
traditional rules of behaviour, the adat, and that his 'punishment' is just and
morally good.
The part the tiger and the crocodile can play as 'judges' makes them an important factor
in the political arena. When we compare different societies, a variety of possible
affiliations between these animals and ancestors, environmental spirits, shamans, local
leaders, and royalty thrusts itself forward. The animals may do no more than serve as a
symbol and as an instrument of official leadership, but cogently they can provide a source
of power for those in the periphery of the centre of power as well.
Transmitters of culture
Another aspect of their being -- likewise connected with their affiliation with the realm of
the spirits -- is the part they play as 'transmitters of culture'; bearers and protectors of
important cultural goods, such as the knowledge of certain medicine, rules of behaviour,
and, for instance, the construction of the first house (forming the basis of the society and,
as a microcosm, providing a model for the larger cosmos itself).
Uniting these two themes is their association with the 'founding fathers' of a given society
and with the ruling lineage which descends from them. Tigers and crocodiles often play a
central part in origin myths and connected rituals. The analysis of these rituals and myths
provides a key to understanding the way in which man perceives his past and the present,
the way his cultural domain is related to the domain from which it was wrested: the
wilderness.
In a quest to gain a better insight into the ideas and the practice of the relationship of man
with the surrounding visible and invisible forces that dwell outside his cultural domain, a
special focus is provided by the daily interaction of man with his environment. Attempts
to reach a deeper understanding of the factors that might generate a specific worldview --
in which the relationship with the environment is embedded -- has led to the choice of a
comparative approach.
The fieldwork that is hoped will furnish the bulk of the requisite data was carried out in
several different societies. Most of the data were gathered in Kerinci: an Islamic rural
area in central Sumatra. The Kerinci data will be compared to those obtained in
neighbouring societies that are historically related but culturally different, and include the
archaic tribal communities of Mentawai and the nomadic Kubu. To give a more fully
rounded picture data from more centralized and hierarchical societies such as Nias and
Java will be included in the analysis.
By comparing the data of the societies selected, I expect to be able to come to grips more
efficiently with factors influencing the relationship between a given society and its
environment. The sorts of factors which I have considered relevant include the system of
belief (Animism, Hinduism, Islam), the complexity of a society, the degree of its social
hierarchy and its ecological setting.
A historical approach would indubitably have the same merit, but for the cultures in
which fieldwork was carried out almost no historical records are available, let alone
records that would provide me with the specific materials needed. The aim of the
comparative approach is to gain a better insight into the interrelatedness of cultural
factors, but it may also help to form a hypothetical reconstruction of the past. In no way
do I want to suggest that Indonesian history is a simple, one-way street, and that one
society can stand as the example of a specific tradition in history. But I do
think it is justified to try to explain correspondences (or the lack of them) in cultural
concepts by pointing out similarities and differences in the historical past on the one hand
and the in contextual circumstances on the other.
Jet Bakels is a PhD student affiliated with Research School CNWS in Leiden, the Netherlands.