Asia Pacific Profiles: reviewing the developments in the Asian economy

Building a Greater China

China's reform and internationalization have provided much of the opportunity for re- specialization into higher-value activities in Hong Kong and Taiwan that has made them partners in building a Greater China -þ a Greater China that the world economy is wondering whether it can accommodate into the second millennium.
This report is based on Asia Pacific Profiles 1995, written by the Asia Pacific Economics Group at the Australian National University. The Group is finalizing the sixth edition of Asia Pacific Profiles 1996. TIME Magazine supports Asia Pacific Profiles as the leading Asia-centric review of developments in the regional economy.

Increasing economic integration between Hong Kong, Taiwan, and China means the 'China factor' looms even larger. The economic fortunes of both Hong Kong and Taiwan will be influenced more and more by the performance of the Chinese economy, and both must continue to adjust to the rapidly changing environment in order to realize growth potential.
So far the wide cyclical fluctuations of the Chinese economy may have brought uncertainty, but strong growth momentum has provided tremendous opportunities to both Hong Kong and Taiwan to benefit from the massive scale of its industrial transformation. It will go on.
Hong Kong's ability to adapt and its excellent stock of human capital ensures that it will continue to serve as the entrepôt, international financial centre, and main business gateway to China, as well as being a major centre of leadership and management in a wide range of China-focused manufacturing and other activities.
Direct trade flows across the Taiwan Straits creates some chance that Hong Kong will lose the rents generated by existing political barriers. At the moment Hong Kong's role is fuelled by re- exports from Taiwan to China and vice versa by Hong Kong. But diversion of this trade flow will occur only gradually. The first round of 'direct' trade is likely to be that going at present through underground channels. The more likely outcome of deregulation is that alternative opportunities will arise.
New triangular flows of trade will substantially lift the total trade volume among the three Chinese economies rather than resulting in trade diversion from Hong Kong. Reform and decentralization in China have already meant progressively more, not less, demand for Hong Kong services, assisting Hong Kong to restructure its economy to higher GNP per capital levels.

Key role of trade
East Asian-style growth in its early stages is led by rapid expansion of exports, especially of goods that use its initially abundant labour intensively. China is still at this stage.
China's export structure has changed dramatically over the last decade. The share of manufacturing products increased from 49% of total exports in 1985 to 85% in 1993. In the main these have been of labour-intensive goods.

More advanced East Asian economies rely more heavily on expansion and increasing sophistication of domestic demand. For them, trade expansion is important to support the upgrading of industrial structure and incomes. Hong Kong and Taiwan were already on their way down this path when China began to move.
Hong Kong-China
Hong Kong's domestic exports contain increasing proportions of outward processing to China. Over the last few years, with the continued shift of its manufacturing base to China, re-exports have increasingly dominated Hong Kong's total exports. As a share of total merchandise exports, re-exports surged from 30.5% in 1980 to 64.9% in 1990 and rose further to 81% in 1994. While re-exports have continued to expand rapidly, there has been some inevitable deceleration as the base became larger in the 1990s.

As a share of total re-exports, re-exports from China to the rest of the world stood at about 58% in the 1990s, but the share of re-exports to China climbed from 26.8% in 1990 to 32.8% in 1994. Thus the share of inward and outward trade with China in total re-exports rose to 91% in 1994 from 85% in 1990.

TaiwanþChina
In an historic redirection of trade in 1995, Mainland China became a bigger market for Taiwan's exports than the United States. Merchandise exports from Taiwan grew by more than 10% in 1994. Most of that growth was in sales of equipment, raw materials and semi-finished goods for Taiwan-owned factories in China. Given the depth of political uncertainty between these two Chinese economies, the pace of two-way trade growth in recent years has been staggering. In 1995 Taiwan's bilateral trade with Hong Kong/China rose 21% to US$25.9 billion (update). Taiwan reports that near to 90% of its trade via Hong Kong is destined for the mainland.

Why hasn't the giant eaten them all up?
The Hong Kong economy continues to demonstrate its growth fundamentals: market-directed investment is delivering continued structural change, rising wages and high-levels of employment in comparison to other industrial nations. It has embraced the structural change that is the logical implication of its own sustained growth, and of policy reform in neighbouring economies.
The re-specialization of Hong Kong in the international economy in response to the opportunities created by an open China is proceeding rapidly. But adjustment is not without strains and uncertaintiesþespecially in the labour market. Extraordinarily rapid growth in the Chinese southern and eastern coastal provinces is already leading to labour shortages there, and to movement of the frontier of simple manufacturing growth into the Chinese interior. China's productive structural change is domestic as well as international.
Hong Kong has relied on business decisions and market forces to lead a radical re-specialization in international trade. Structural change in Hong Kong has focused on the supply of business leadership and high-value services to China's growth and integration into the world economy. So far, the economy is taking the transition in its stride.
Taiwan has entered the income range where economic logic requires adjustment out of technologically simple and labour-intensive production. It has been able to sustain economic dynamism through acceptance of structural change, especially in relation to China, albeit with some ambivalence, and in the face of domestic resistance.

The contribution of manufacturing to Hong Kong's GDP has fallen from 19.3% in 1989 to under 10% in 1995 and manufacturing employment continues to shrink (from 1.1 million in the mid- 1980s to 0.8 million in 1989, 0.5 million in 1993 and 0.4 million in 1994). Domestic exports continue to stagnate (growth in volume terms in 1994 was -2.3%). The shift into mainland China of the labour-intensive end of Hong Kong manufacturing is gradually extending up the hierarchy of capital intensity and technological sophistication, allowing Hong Kong to apply its resources more intensively to high-value services at the top end of manufacturing.
Re-exports contribute significantly to Hong Kong's GDP. Trade-related services, such as trade loans, insurance, port shipment and legal services are linked to re-export trade, which continues to grow strongly, but at a less dizzy pace (from a higher base) than in earlier years of China's reforms and opening to the outside world. As Hong Kong becomes more affluent, private consumption has been another source of demand propelling the economy. Per capita GNP for Hong Kong citizens (running at over US$20,000) surpasses that in Australia and Britain.
Taiwan's story is even more amazing as its relations with China remain delicate. Economic imperatives are binding the two economies together as never before. Past December the Taiwanese voted for more of the same.
Taiwan's bid to stay competitive is reflected in the movement away from items that can be manufactured more competitively by Taiwan-owned factories on the Chinese mainland (such as textiles) towards the production of capital and production inputs for such factories. The industrial sector accounted for less than 40% in 1995, compared with 46% in 1985: the share of manufacturing in output has fallen to 30% from near 40% in 1985. Services are gaining strongly (near 60% of output) fostered by private sector demand and by initiatives to develop financial and business services capabilities.
The government has announced a plan to develop Taiwan into a regional operations centre, to focus on upgrading existing facilities of industry, in communications, expansion of research and development facilities of high-value products, headquarters/management units, personnel training and technical support facilities. Shifting gears has made rising wages compatible with full employment.
In past years unit labour costs have risen faster than productivity. But in the first half of 1994 labour costs grew more slowly than labour productivity and well below the inflation rate. Consumer goods manufactures have shifted production mostly to China and elsewhere, but more capital-intensive industries. especially computers have stayed due to the need for highly skilled labour. Capital-intensive exports were 64.2% of exports in 1994. Labour-intensive exports had fallen to 25.9% in 1994 from 46% in 1985.

Will integration sustain strong growth?
China will change and grow as much in the next as in the past decade. It will still be grappling with the problems that derive from its immense size and diversity. Conventionally measured per capita income will be about US$3200, with some tens of millions of Chinese in coastal cities living at material standards not very different from the average for their compatriots in Taiwan and Hong Kong. The coastal provinces will have moved out of simple labour-intensive activities, the relocation of which will have brought rapid growth but not yet labour scarcity and rapidly rising incomes to the populous centres of the Chinese inland.
Taiwan's per capita income will be in the middle of the current OECD membership, around US$25,000, having undergone massive structural change that has given it a major leadership position in mainland Chinese business. Hong Kong will do even better, its per capita income of US$40,000 will be near to that of Japan.

Adjacent economiesþhow will they be affected?
The Asia Pacific Economics Group predicts East Asia, with about one-third of the world's people, will account for around 40% of conventionally measured world GDP in ten years' time. "We see no slowing down", they confirm. "India will be moving -þ Bangladesh and Pakistan will be off the blocks."
The big story of the industrialization of East Asia is that it is proceeding more strongly than ever in the mid-1990s. While Japan is undergoing rapid structural adjustment, slowing its own growth for a while and losing press to the pace of change in Greater China, it is also opening opportunities for others. Other high-income economies in East Asia are defying gravity by growing strongly after they have caught up with incomes in some advanced economies. Growth momentum is strong in the ASEAN economies with average growth lifting to 7.8% in 1994.
The best news of all is that rapid internationally-oriented growth is spreading to more and more economies and regions in Asia. The new frontiers are the inland provinces of China and Vietnam. Lining up with reforms are the Philippines, India, and Bangladesh.
Each new addition to the process makes it easier for others. Each new entrant expands the market for others and helps to entrench support for policies that promote growth. This will take the exciting process of the internationally oriented industrialization of East Asia well into the twenty- first century.

Asia Pacific Profiles is available from:
The Asia Pacific Economics Group
The Australian National University
Fax: +61-6-2574538


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