IIAS | IIAS Newsletter Online | No. 26 | Regions | Southeast Asia
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29 * 31 MARCH 2001
AMSTERDAM, THE NETHERLANDS Locating Southeast Asia Social scientists
have cut the world up into convenient regions, like Africa, Latin America,
Western Europe, East Asia, and so on. A central argument for the regionalization
of social scientific inquiry has always been that geographic proximity
implies long-term cultural, economic, and social exchange. Hence, societies
within a certain region share important characteristics which make it
relevant to study them together. Regional studies are both rooted in
intimate local knowledge and devoted to meaningful comparison, and this
combination should lead to conceptual innovation and theoretical sophistication.
However, this argument needs to be questioned.
* By REMCO RABEN & HENK SCHULTE NORDHOLT
Firstly, it is important to re-examine
the ways in which particular 'regions' are constructed, how scholars
of those regions conceive of national boundaries, and how a particular
way of regionalization affects the questions they address. Secondly,
the formation of institutionalized communities of regional specialists
creates the danger of inward-looking 'area studies' whose specialized
language and concerns become largely unintelligible to scholars working
on other regions. This process may also occur within a specific region
where scholars work on a particular society and have little knowledge
of other societies in that region, throwing doubt on the claim of meaningful
comparisons.
It seems that social scientists cannot do without forms
of regionalization in order to make their task manageable, even in an
age in which geographic proximity and clear cut boundaries are losing
much of their former significance. Nevertheless, it is interesting to
note that the process of academic regionalization still goes on: old
regions (The Orient) lose their attraction, but new ones, like the Pacific
Rim, are proffered as superior lenses through which we should understand
complex socio-economic change.
Southeast Asia has also been conceptualized as a meaningful
region. Yet, it is difficult to have a clear imagining of its geography.
Ironically, this lack of specificity has become one of the main building
blocks of the edifice of Southeast Asian Studies. In fact, over the
years 'Southeast Asia' has been defined, if it was defined at all, by
its dissimilarity. In the first place, it came to be disconnected from
its surroundings, from the hybrid societies of Austronesia and from
the giant areas of China and India. As such, Southeast Asia is the result
of subtraction, it is that which is left over after subtracting the
landmasses of India and China. But Southeast Asianists have tried to
make the best of it. They formulated a second feature of Southeast Asia:
its openness to external influences, its variety, its fragmentation,
or, following Anthony Reid, its 'dynamic pluralism'. Again, we see this
lack of specificity and the pivotal role of dissimilarities.
On the face of it, Southeast Asia has become a convenient
and successful marker for scholarly research. But despite the proliferation
of regional studies, there appears to be a fair amount of discomfort
about the 'Southeast Asianness' of Southeast Asia. The term Southeast
Asia acquired a political weight during the Pacific War and, moulded
by the Cold War and crystallized into area studies programmes, it achieved
a ponderous reality in the academic world. This is especially so in
the United States and Australia where Southeast Asian Studies have become
firmly rooted, but markedly less so in Europe, where countries like
England, France, and the Netherlands tended to focus more exclusively
on their former colonies. Furthermore, China and Japan have their own
genealogies of thinking of the Southern Seas, and academic institutions
within Southeast Asian countries seem to be geared predominantly towards
their own national interests, despite the gradual strengthening of ASEAN.
The workshop 'Locating Southeast Asia', held in Amsterdam
from 29-31 March 2001, addressed the question of whether 'Southeast
Asia' was a twentieth-century construct which is losing its significance
and which has, in the end, more geopolitical reality than scholarly
relevance. What have been its academic uses and achievements? How are
we seeing the region in view of recent political, economic, and academic
developments? And what futures are there for Southeast Asian Studies?
Is it still a useful tool for analysis or should we look for a radical
re-orientation?
The workshop was attended by a variety of experts in the
field of Southeast Asian Studies from Europe, the United States, Australia,
and Southeast Asia. The meeting was also intended to honour Heather
Sutherland, who has been a source of inspiration for the study of Southeast
Asia since her appointment as professor at the Free University in Amsterdam
in 1974. In her keynote speech, Heather Sutherland argued that Southeast
Asia has become a 'cold concept', indicating that it only has meaning
for academic bureaucrats, whereas the area itself has lost its former
coherence.
The other participants of the workshop elaborated on this
point in their papers by demonstrating that 'Southeast Asia' is shaped
according to the perspectives of the beholder and that the different
parts of the region have become more isolated from each other as colonial
intrusions intensified since the late nineteenth-century. They focused
on the drawing of academic boundaries and the effects of political borders
with regard to Southeast Asia, scrutinized various powerful academic
images of Southeast Asia that were constructed and superimposed on the
region, and analysed the way internal borders tended to break up the
old interconnected world of Southeast Asia.
Despite this process of compartimentalization, there was
also continuity in terms of mobility of people and goods and the permeability
of Southeast Asia's internal and external borders. In this respect,
it can be argued that Southeast Asia forms, at least in economic terms
to a large extent, a meaningful part of a wider East Asian region.
The workshop did not, of course, provide final answers
to all the questions formulated. But most of the papers forced us to
rethink old paradigms and to move away from essentializing conceptions
of Southeast Asia. Intensifying global communications and mobility,
as well as attempts at formulating post-colonial perspectives on the
world, have engendered a more fragmented view, away from monolithic
imaginings of Southeast Asia, away from the confines of national and
nationalized histories, and away from simple synchronisms that have
explained and legitimized Southeast Asia as a meaningful area in the
past: whether it was the Dong-son culture, the mandala concept, Western
colonialism, Japanese occupation, decolonization and nation-building,
or the Cold War. *
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This workshop was jointly organized by the
Netherlands Institute of War Documentation (NIOD), the Department of Modern
Asian History of the University of Amsterdam, and the Department of History
of the National University of Singapore, and was sponsored by IIAS, the
Dutch Organization of Tropical Research (WOTRO), the Royal Dutch Academy
of Sciences (KNAW), and the ASiA platform and the Amsterdam School of
Social Science Research of the University of Amsterdam.
Remco
Raben is staff member of the Netherlands Institute of War Documentation
in Amsterdam.
E-mail:
r.raben@oorlogsdoc.knaw.nl
Professor
Henk Schulte Nordholt is Associate Professor of Modern Asian History
at the University of Amsterdam and holds the IIAS chair in Asian History
at the Erasmus University in Rotterdam.
E-mail:
schultenordholt@pscw.uva.nl
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   IIAS | IIAS Newsletter Online | No. 26 | Regions | Southeast Asia