IIAS | IIAS Newsletter Online | No. 26 | Regions | East Asia

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Transnational Management:

China & Singapore

 
In the ICAS 2 panel, 'Case Studies from the Chinese Cultural Realm: Colonial Bureaucracies and Transnational Enterprises', the role of cultural discourses in the management of transnational enterprises was discussed. The panel followed up on the shorthand conclusion to the findings of the IIAS 'Qiaoxiang Ties' research programme (1996-2000, see: 'IIAS Newsletter' 24, pp. 31, 41-3). There it was purported that: '...it is imperative to study cultural phenomena in order to understand Chinese transnational entrepreneurship and enterprises in our frame of time. At the same time, it should be doubted whether institution building based upon the presently prevalent cultural assumptions is viable in the longer term'(Idem, p. 31).
 

* By LEO DOUW

The management of female employees appeared to be a fruitful field of enquiry. Cen Huang (University of Calgary) argued that claims of cultural affinity in those enterprises in South China that Taiwanese invested in have often worked counterproductively, because Taiwanese managers incorrectly expected their employees to behave according to commonly shared 'Chinese' values. Irmtraud Munder (University of Applied Sciences, Furtwangen) noticed that managers' claims to cultural affinity might only serve to establish their authority for them. Cultural distinction could then very well lead to a wide divergence between perceived reality and actual conditions as shown in Renate Krieg and Kerstin Nagels' (both attached to Hochschule Bremen) research on Sino-German joint-ventures. The German managers in those enterprises usually have a more favourable judgement of female employees who are above their male counterparts, but tend to argue that Chinese culture stands counter to female predominance, and they therefore hesitate to promote women to higher positions.
Another such field of enquiry ­ hence the title of this panel ­ is the tendency for most transnational enterprises to replace their expatriate managers by indigenous ones. Interestingly, overseas Chinese enterprises do not seem to suffer from the pressures involved than enterprises with non-Chinese backgrounds, as discourses of cultural distinction presume. Leo Douw presented examples from a wide range of foreign enterprises active in China during the entire twentieth century. These seem to suggest that it is not so much the affinity of an enterprise with Chinese culture, but rather the type of commodities it produced, and the structure of its organization, which explain the degree of indigenization of its management. The often-heard argument that employing indigenous managers would lower the wage bill does not seem very plausible, yet it harbours an element of cultural distinction. As the research by Krieg and Nagels revealed: in contemporary Sino-German joint ventures, the Chinese side uses this argument more emphatically than the German side.
The quest for institutional change, had us discuss, how the organizational culture of particular transnational enterprises interacts with their wider social and political environment, and how power struggles within the enterprises are related to power shifts in the wider society. As Leo Douw described: under colonialism and thereafter, Chinese officialdom had persistently added to the pressures from within foreign enterprises to indigenize their management and also to the indigenization by colonial governments' managerial staffs. Heidi Dahles (Free University, Amsterdam) pointed out that the gross majority of Singaporean foreign direct investment goes to China and Hong Kong, and not to the Singapore-instituted Sijori Growth Triangle. Thus cultural affinity is an important factor in making decisions on foreign investment or, more likely, Singaporean state activity had influenced the choice for both the creation of a distinct Singaporean-Chinese identity and the direction of Singapore's major investment flows.
 
Cultural brokers
If cultural change reflects power shifts and the occurrence of social change, then it becomes crucial to gain more insight into who are the brokers that negotiate cultural identities. Sikko Visscher (Amsterdam School of Social Scientific Research), in discussing the localization of Singaporean politics in the immediate postwar period (1945-51), went deeply into the backgrounds of Singaporean businessmen of Chinese descent. In the course of time, they gave up their transnational identities and brokered the cultural and social differences among the various local Chinese groups, and between them and their English rulers.
A well-known sceptic of cultural explanations, the panel's chairman, Chan Kwok Bun (Hong Kong Baptist University) found himself to be joined by Irmtraud Munder and some other panellists in his doubt whether cultural hybridity is always a helpful concept for describing cultural change. Cultural brokers from a deviating cultural background may be distrusted by both the indigenous group and the immigrants. Also, different cultures need not, by definition, be incompatible, as Kerstin Nagels remarked. In the process of globalization the well-established institutional framework of the nation-state is changing, as national cultures are being replaced by sub-national and transnational ones. The uncertainties that this situation engendered have caused the informal brokerage of cultural norms and values to become important, and also caused research on informal brokers and their activities to have become essential for knowledge on present day social and political change. If cultural change is considered a creative process in which shifts in the underlying power relations and their connections with economic and institutional change are included, it seems essential to look at how this change is brokered by creating new cultural constructs. A sentence borrowed from Arif Dirlik, which is meant to apply to a somewhat different field of enquiry, befits ours quite well: 'The present is not a time of chronicling cultures, but of creating them' (2001: 24). *
 
It is expected that continued cooperation among the panel's members will be facilitated in the near future, by the University of Amsterdam and Hong Kong Baptist University, in particular its David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies.
 
Those who wish to join may contact:
Chan Kwok Bun (ckb@hkbu.edu.hk), or Leo Douw (lm.douw@let.vu.nl).

References
­ Arif Dirlik, 'Markets, Culture, Power: the Making of a Second Cultural Revolution in China', Asian Studies Review, vol. 25, nr. 1, March 2001,
pp. 1-33
 
 


¥IIASN26-P42-01Dr Leo Douw is lecturer of Modern Asian History at the University of Amsterdam and the Free University Amsterdam

 

   IIAS | IIAS Newsletter Online | No. 26 | Regions | East Asia